Resuming Reflexives

In this paper, we offer an analysis for the prenominal possessor\uddoubling construction (PPDC) as it occurs in Germanic, paying particular\udattention to the differences between Norwegian and West Flemish. Our\udanalysis implements recent theoretical proposals concerning locality\udrelations, the Anti-Locality Hypothesis, the idea that movement not only\udmust not target a position too far away, but it cannot be too close\udeither. Anti-Locality is formulated over derivational sub-domains\udrelevant for the operation Spell Out, so-called Prolific Domains, and\udthe ban on Domain-internal movement is PF-driven. In order to yield a\udwell-formed PF-object, anti-local movement may be repaired by spelling\udout a copy with a different PF-shape; this operation of Copy Spell Out\udinserts a grammatical formative to save a PF-violation. We take\udpronominal elements to be grammatical formatives par excellence and\uddevelop an application of this approach to the nominal layer, focusing\udon the PPDC. This framework derives the occurrence of a possessive\udpronoun doubling the possessor, which we analyse in terms of an\udanti-local movement dependency in which the moved possessor spells out a\udlower copy as the doubling possessive pronoun. We further discuss\udcomparisons across Germanic dialects. Our main proposal is that the\uddoubling pronoun is a resumptive element, understood more generally as a\udspelled out copy of the (moved) possessor DP and as such inserted into\udthe computation derivationally