Open AccessLoci of agreement and deviations from the Mirror Principle in Hungarian verbs
Author(s) -
Kevin Kwong
Publication year - 2021
Publication title -
proceedings of the linguistic society of america
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
ISSN - 2473-8689
DOI - 10.3765/plsa.v6i1.4897
Subject(s) - agreement , object (grammar) , locus (genetics) , subject (documents) , linguistics , linearization , physics , mathematics , computer science , philosophy , nonlinear system , biochemistry , chemistry , quantum mechanics , library science , gene
In this revised account of Hungarian verbal agreement, I propose that the language’s locus of subject agreement is not T, unlike in current Minimalist analyses, but Pred (or Asp), just above direct object agreement in v. Furthermore, the surface linear order of affixes (stem – tense/mood – object agreement – subject agreement) does not conform to the hierarchical order of syntactic heads (V < v < Pred < T/M), thus violating the Mirror Principle, because local dislocation in postsyntactic morphology adjusts the initial linearization of the heads.