Open AccessCumulative constraint interaction and the equalizer of OT and HG
Author(s) -
Anna Mai,
Eric Baković
Publication year - 2020
Publication title -
proceedings of the annual meetings on phonology
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
ISSN - 2377-3324
DOI - 10.3765/amp.v8i0.4678
Subject(s) - rule based machine translation , equivalence (formal languages) , grammar , tree adjoining grammar , legendre polynomials , conjunction (astronomy) , intuition , generalization , mathematics , computer science , artificial intelligence , linguistics , context free grammar , pure mathematics , psychology , cognitive science , physics , philosophy , mathematical analysis , astronomy
We show that, in general, Optimality Theory (OT) grammars containing a restricted family of locally-conjoined constraints (Smolensky 2006) make the same typological predictions as corresponding Harmonic Grammar (HG) grammars. We provide an intuition for the generalization using a simple constrast and neutralization typology, as well as a formal proof. This demonstration adds structure to claims about the (non)equivalence of HG and OT with local conjunction (Legendre et al. 2006, Pater 2016) and provides a tool for understanding how different sets of constraints lead to the same typological predictions in HG and OT.