Open AccessRestrictive vs non-restrictive relative clauses in Hausa where morphosyntax and semantics meet
Author(s) -
Philip J. Jaggar
Publication year - 1998
Publication title -
studies in african linguistics
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 0.178
H-Index - 4
eISSN - 2154-428X
pISSN - 0039-3533
DOI - 10.32473/sal.v27i2.107383
Subject(s) - linguistics , focus (optics) , tone (literature) , contrast (vision) , implicature , hausa , variation (astronomy) , mathematics , pragmatics , computer science , philosophy , artificial intelligence , physics , optics , astrophysics
Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses in Hausa are characterized by morpho syntactic properties which are in (near) complementary distribution. Restrictives are introduced by one of two relative markers--either complex HL(L) tone wanda/wadda/waaanda (MSG/FSG/PL) 'the one(s) who(m), which, that etc', or simplex da 'who(m), which, that, etc.'-and (normally) require a focus (suka, suke, etc.) form of the inflectional (perfective/imperfective) agreementaspect paradigms. Non-restrictives, in contrast, are (for many speakers) distinguished from restrictives as follows: (1) they are introduced by a distinctive all L tone allomorph of the explicit relativizing pronoun wanda/wadda/waa anda; and (2) some speakers also allow either the same focus form of the !NFL as occurs in restrictives, or use the neutral non-focus (sun, suna, etc.) form as a possible alternative. This tense-aspect variation is attributable to the fact that non-restrictive relative clauses are (coordinate-like) appositional constructions which do not uniquely restrict/define/identify, etc. their antecedents.