
Political Development and Conflict Resolution in Pakistan
Author(s) -
Mohammad Waseem
Publication year - 1997
Publication title -
pakistan development review
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 0.154
H-Index - 26
ISSN - 0030-9729
DOI - 10.30541/v36i4iipp.715-742
Subject(s) - politics , legitimacy , state (computer science) , political economy , mandate , political science , hatred , ethnic group , ethnic conflict , development economics , sociology , economic growth , law , economics , algorithm , computer science
Conflicts in Pakistan emanate from a configuration of factorsrelating to the state system, the unstable regional setting, and theglobal system at large. The state system in Pakistan has beencharacterised by problems of constitutionally underdeveloped provincialset-ups, dysfunctionality of elections for the prevalent systemperceived by a privileged migrant leadership, a centralist authoritystructure, and a domineering role of army. During the last five decades,the state system passed through various phases of centralism, populism,and constitutional engineering by the military-bureaucraticestablishment as well as Islamisation, largely at the expense ofprovincial autonomy and a sense of participation in the business of thestate shared by all communities. Non-recognition of electoral mandate asthe final source of legitimacy led to the emergence of ethnic movementsin East Pakistan, the NWFP, Balochistan, and Sindh. The perceivedPunjabisation of the state has created feelings of ethnic hostilityamong all regions other than Punjab. Social insecurities caused by rapidsocial change, such as urbanisation in general and in-migration inKarachi in particular, have fuelled ethnic hatred all around. Similarly,the influx of refugees from neighbouring countries, along with arms anddrug trafficking, has led to new patterns of identity politics andhigher levels of political violence. The state's relativenon-performance at the local level has pushed many sectarian groups toexit from the parliamentary framework of politics towards a blatant useof arms. What)s needed is the creation of a third tier of government atthe district and sub-district levels. At the top of the priority listshould be a policy of decentralisation and continuity in the electoralprocess to bring the recalcitrant elements into the mainstream,de-weaponisation, and strengthening of political parties asinterest-aggregating and policy-bearing institutions.