Open AccessObligatory control and event structure in Kavalan
Author(s) -
Dong-yi Lin
Publication year - 2014
Publication title -
proceedings of the international conference on head-driven phrase structure grammar
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
ISSN - 1535-1793
DOI - 10.21248/hpsg.2014.15
Subject(s) - complement (music) , verb , sentence , syntax , control (management) , linguistics , event (particle physics) , computer science , object (grammar) , semantic role labeling , causative , feature (linguistics) , artificial intelligence , philosophy , physics , biology , biochemistry , quantum mechanics , complementation , gene , phenotype
The embedded verb of so-called object-control verbs in Kavalan must be affixed with the causative marker pa-. It is argued that such control predicates in Kavalan like pawRat ‘force’ feature an internal Logophoric Center in its complement clause and this property of logophoricity is absent in other control predicates. Moreover, control predicates that do not take a causativized verb complement like paska ‘try’ and tud ‘teach’ are restructuring predicates and are thus devoid of a Fin head in their complement that can be linked to an internal Logophoric Center. In contrast, the TP and CP of the complement of pawRat ‘force’-type predicates are still projected and active. The causativization of the embedded verb in a control sentence cannot be explained by a purely syntactic or semantic account of obligatory control. Instead, a comprehensive and satisfactory explanation for Kavalan obligatory control must take into account how event structure and Logophoric Center are encoded in Syntax.