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Clause Typing and Feature Inheritance of Discourse Features
Author(s) -
Lochbihler Bethany,
Mathieu Eric
Publication year - 2016
Publication title -
syntax
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 0.587
H-Index - 24
eISSN - 1467-9612
pISSN - 1368-0005
DOI - 10.1111/synt.12126
Subject(s) - feature (linguistics) , computer science , linguistics , inheritance (genetic algorithm) , order (exchange) , bundle , agreement , variation (astronomy) , natural language processing , physics , philosophy , biology , gene , biochemistry , materials science , finance , astrophysics , economics , composite material
The aim of this article is twofold. First, we claim that δ‐features (discourse features), as well as ϕ‐features, can be inherited from C to T (Richards 2007, Chomsky 2008), as shown by wh ‐agreement on T in Ojibwe (Algonquian). Our analysis supports Miyagawa's (2010) hypothesis that discourse and agreement features are two sides of the same coin, which can be distributed differently crosslinguistically. Second, we propose that although ϕ and δ typically bundle together on a single C head, this is not the case in all languages and in fact will vary parametrically. Ojibwe clause typing is partitioned between agreement/ϕ‐features on independent order (i.e., plain matrix) C and discourse/δ‐features on conjunct order (e.g., embedded) C. This parameter, that certain features may or may not bundle on C, captures a significant cluster of properties in Ojibwe: Initial Change, lack of person prefixes in the conjunct order in contrast with the independent, as well as the availability of long‐distance agreement. Our proposal supports the idea that much crosslinguistic variation reduces to the distinct feature structures making up functional heads, such as v , D, and C, rather than to primitives.