Premium
Agreement at PF: An Argument from Partial Control
Author(s) -
Landau Idan
Publication year - 2016
Publication title -
syntax
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 0.587
H-Index - 24
eISSN - 1467-9612
pISSN - 1368-0005
DOI - 10.1111/synt.12118
Subject(s) - feature (linguistics) , argument (complex analysis)
Controlled null subjects (PRO) are semantically bound variables that bear morphological features. In certain environments of partial control, the morphological ϕ‐features (specifically, [person]) and the semantic value of PRO diverge. A natural explanation of the fact that the [person] feature of PRO is uninterpreted is that it is assigned at Phonological Form (PF). Given that this feature participates in agreement relations, we conclude that agreement must be (optionally or exclusively) a PF phenomenon.