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India: Searching for a Consensus by Amending the Constitution?
Author(s) -
SINGH MAHENDRA P.
Publication year - 1992
Publication title -
governance
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 1.46
H-Index - 76
eISSN - 1468-0491
pISSN - 0952-1895
DOI - 10.1111/j.1468-0491.1992.tb00044.x
Subject(s) - presidential system , constitution , political science , democracy , political system , cabinet (room) , politics , public administration , law , geography , archaeology
Two major themes have dominated the debate over India's constitutional destiny since the 1980s: parliamentary versus presidential government and federalization of its predominantly parliamentary system. India will do well to continue with its parliamentary form of government. Besides familiarity with it through British colonial experience and practice for nearly half a century, India's social diversity and fragile democracy are better served by a “collective” parliamentary/cabinet system than a “singular” presidential one. The latter may prematurely centralize the system and promote executive aggrandizement and adventurism. But India's continental diversity and complexity cannot be adequately represented solely along the parliamentary axis; they require the additional — and more vigorous — federal axis for democratic accommodation and national integration. The impact on India's parliamentary/federal system of the changing nature of the party system and premiership styles is also analyzed. Six phases of party system evolution are identified: (1) predominant party system‐I (1952–1969); (2) multi‐party system‐I (1969–1971); (3) predominant party system‐II (1971–1977); (4) two‐party system (1977–1984); (5) (a stillborn) predominant party system‐Ill (1984–1989); and (6) multi‐party system‐II (1989–to date). Three styles of prime ministerial leadership are delineated: (1) pluralist, (2) patrimonial, and (3) federal. Federal forces and features of the political system were generally accentuated when the party system was not a one‐party dominant one and the prime ministerial leadership was not a patrimonial one. Some viable constitutional amendments designed to promote federalization are considered. The two particularly promising avenues of federalization that combine “responsible federalism” with “responsible parliamentary government” are those that establish a series of autonomous federal instrumentalities recommended by the Sarkaria Commission and create a President‐in‐Council interlocked with the Inter‐Governmental Council that takes away the power of proclaiming president's rule in a state from the federal Home Ministry.