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Parameterizing Case: Evidence from Bantu
Author(s) -
Diercks Michael
Publication year - 2012
Publication title -
syntax
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 0.587
H-Index - 24
eISSN - 1467-9612
pISSN - 1368-0005
DOI - 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2011.00165.x
Subject(s) - bantu languages , stipulation , locative case , linguistics , raising (metalworking) , universality (dynamical systems) , minimalist program , syntax , inversion (geology) , computer science , mathematics , philosophy , political science , law , physics , paleontology , biology , geometry , quantum mechanics , structural basin
. Bantu languages display a number of constructions that raise serious questions about the universality of the theory of abstract Case as currently realized in the Minimalist Program. Chomsky (2000) claims that positing uninterpretable features (like Case features) is not purely stipulation but that uninterpretable features are justified by their visible effects in the syntax. This paper presents evidence that the syntactic effects predicted by Case theory are not borne out in Bantu languages, which in fact display effects that are only predicted to be possible in the absence of uninterpretable Case features. Evidence includes constructions where Case‐checking should require a DP to cease being active, but it does not do so (e.g., compound tenses and raising constructions), as well as instances where Case‐checking could not have occurred, but the constructions are nonetheless acceptable (e.g., possible ‐constructions and locative inversion). It is claimed that uninterpretable Case features are not present in Bantu languages and that it is instead gender features that make a goal active for Agree (following Carstens 2011).