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Finiteness of Clauses and Raising of Arguments in Mandarin Chinese
Author(s) -
Jonah Lin TzongHong
Publication year - 2011
Publication title -
syntax
Language(s) - English
Resource type - Journals
SCImago Journal Rank - 0.587
H-Index - 24
eISSN - 1467-9612
pISSN - 1368-0005
DOI - 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2010.00145.x
Subject(s) - raising (metalworking) , mandarin chinese , modal verb , complement (music) , linguistics , subject (documents) , phenomenon , mathematics , agreement , verb , computer science , modal , philosophy , epistemology , biochemistry , geometry , chemistry , complementation , library science , polymer chemistry , gene , phenotype
. This paper argues that Mandarin Chinese clauses exhibit the finite/nonfinite contrast, and, based on this discovery, shows that the EPP is the driving force for A‐movement. The evidence is the raising of arguments from the TP complements of different kinds of modals. It is argued that the epistemic modals in Mandarin Chinese take a finite TP complement, whereas the modal hui ‘will’ and the root modals take a nonfinite TP complement. Though the epistemic modals take a finite TP complement, they nonetheless permit subject‐to‐subject raising. This phenomenon can be accounted for if we assume that the EPP drives A‐movement, and agreement blocks it. Mandarin Chinese does not have grammatical features; as a consequence, the subject of a finite clause does not perform checking of grammatical features, and thus is free to raise. This phenomenon, therefore, is evidence against the checking‐based theory of A‐movement. If feature checking is involved in raising in Mandarin Chinese sentences, extra assumptions must be made, with a heavy burden of proof on the checking‐based theory.