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2 The meet- ing starts at 7 p.m. and lasts until 2 a.m., because it is believed that Miguel was tortured and mur- dered during this period of time. His parents express their gratitude by offering those present a bar- becue, which gives the meeting an even more special character: all the people eating, drinking, chatting and sometimes singing in front of the police station, thereby keeping Miguel's memory alive but also showing their dissatisfaction with the eighteen policemen who, besides the two con- victed policemen, are also held responsible for Miguel's death, (fieldwork observation Marieke Denissen, La Plata, Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, 17 August 2003). The defence of our coca leaf is our primary goal. I'm not a dominant leader, like Evo Morales in Bolivia. In the Peruvian cocaleros' (coca farmers) movement, a dialogue with the members is very important. For example, some of the leaders in Peru are women. I think women are more honest. They think about their family and children. Some of the men involved in the cultivation of coca are corrupt. They are only interested in the money they can earn when engaged in the illegal drug trade and they are more easily persuaded. At this time it is important to strengthen the coca movement in Peru. They should not wait for my liberation. If the other leaders have a problem with my leader- ship, I will resign and become the regional leader of Ayacucho, (statement of Nelson Palomino 3 on 13 August 2003, leader of the CONPACCP, 4 in the Yanamilla prison in Ayacucho, Peru). Everyday life in the Argentine metropolis of Buenos Aires and the remote area of the Peruvian Upper Huallaga Valley could hardly seem to be more different. Yet, these two settings have something in common that warrant a comparative explora- tion: the many experiences of violent repression that have brought forth new forms of largely peaceful protest by 'ordinary' civilians. In Argentina in 1983 and in Peru in 2000, repression by the State did not cease after the formal end of their internal conflicts. Systematic violence has continued under the formally democratic re- gimes of both countries. In Argentina, and especially in the province of Buenos Aires, such repression was in the hands of the police. In Peru, coca farmers have suffered under repressive and violent coca eradication efforts. In recent years the repressive role of the Argentine and Peruvian governments has become more indi- rect through their failure to adequately address the questionable activities of the security forces, and by the criminalization and stigmatization of vulnerable social groups that have been affected by violent repression. The emergence of a diverse array of social movements to address persistent violent practices is a relatively new phenomenon in (greater) Buenos Aires and the Peruvian coca producing regions. As the above fieldwork observations demonstrate, various unconventional forms of civil mobilization and protest characterize the wide range of resistance the move- ments have to offer. In this article we aim to explore civil resistance to violent repression by state agencies after the fall of the military dictatorship in Argentina in 1983 and of the Alberto Fujimori government in 2000. In particular we will focus on the Argentine anti-repression movement in (greater) Buenos Aires and on the Peruvian coca

Social Protest against Repression and Violence in Present-day Argentina and Peru