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Congress passed the Americans with Disabil- ities Act of 1990 (ADA) with an unusual degree of political consensus and popular support. The ADA broadly prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability in employment and other settings. Given the breadth of the political sup- port for the ADA, it was perhaps surprising to find early evidence that the law actually wors- ened rather than improved employment pros- pects for individuals with disabilities (A. M. Gamboa, 1995). Subsequent papers have closely examined the question of the employment effects of the ADA, reaching varying conclusions. Thomas DeLeire (2000) and Daron Acemoglu and Joshua An- grist (2001), some of the earliest papers in what has become a substantial literature, offer signif- icant evidence of disabled employment declines resulting from the ADA's enactment. Other au- thors, however, have questioned whether the decline in disabled employment in the years following the ADA's enactment was actually a consequence of the law or whether instead the decline resulted from other contemporaneous factors such as changes in federal disability benefits levels or changes in health status (e.g., John Bound and Timothy Waidmann, 2002; Douglas Kruse and Lisa Schur, 2003). Variation in state-level employment discrim- ination regimes for individuals with disabilities in the period before the ADA's enactment pro- vides a helpful means of cutting through the existing thicket and identifying more credibly the effects of the ADA on outcomes, in terms of both employment and (my focus here) decisions about educational investments. Prior to the ADA's enactment, some states had employment discrimination regimes that closely mirrored the ADA in both requiring employers to avoid

Identifying the Effects of the Americans with Disabilities Act Using State-Law Variation: Preliminary Evidence on Educational Participation Effects