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In German, relative clauses can be positioned in-situ or extraposed. Apotential factor for the variation might be information density. In this study,this hypothesis is tested with a corpus of 17th century German funeral sermons.For each referent in the relative clauses and their matrix clauses, theattention state was determined (first calculation). In a second calculation,for each word the surprisal values were determined, using a bi-gram languagemodel. In a third calculation, the surprisal values were accommodated as towhether it is the first occurrence of the word in question or not. All threecalculations pointed in the same direction: With in-situ relative clauses, therate of new referents was lower and the average surprisal values were lower,especially the accommodated surprisal values, than with extraposed relativeclauses. This indicated that in-formation density is a factor governing thechoice between in-situ and extraposed relative clauses. The study also shedslight on the intrinsic relation-ship between the information theoretic conceptof information density and in-formation structural concepts such as givennesswhich are used under a more linguistic perspective.

Information Density as a Factor for Variation in the Embedding of Relative Clauses