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Cyborganic, the subject of my study, was a San Francisco community whose members brought Wired magazine online, launched Hotwired; led the open source Apache project; and staffed and started dozens of Internet enterprises—from Craig’s List to Organic Online—during the first decade of the Web’s growth as a popular platform (1993-2003). The imaginaries, practices, and genres of networked social media developed in this group figured in the initial development of Web publishing and prefigured contemporary phenomena such as Facebook and a host of other media collectively known as “Web 2.0.” While my ethnography examines the symbiosis of online and face-to-face sociality in the growth of Web publishing, this paper focuses on that symbiosis at a more micro-level, looking at specific forms and practices of networked social media in Cyborganic that have become predominant on the contemporary U.S Internet. Anthropologists have challenged the assumed “isomorphism between space, place, and culture” (Gupta and Ferguson 1992: 34) and have theorized “technological infrastructures as sites for the production of locality” without a necessarily geographic referent (Ito 1999:2). Despite this decoupling and the tendency to associate online sociality with fragmentation and dematerialization, my Cyborganic study demonstrates that the intermediation of online and onground can work to consolidate and extend, rather than attenuate, affiliations based on place and embodiment that anthropologists have long seen as defining sources of identity and cultural difference. EASA Working Paper – Cool, June 14-29, 2010 Page 2 of 22 The online/offline conceptual dichotomy so prominent in early social research on the Internet has largely been supplanted by attention to ways the Internet is taken up in everyday life, and by growing appreciation for the mutuality of these two domains. Communications scholars (Jones 1995, 1997, 1998; Shields 1996; Gurak 1999), social geographers (Kitchin 1998), sociologists (Smith and Kollock 1999; Wellman and Gulia 1999) and ethnographers (Miller and Slater 2000; Hine 2000) have all emphasized the interdependence of online and face-to-face and the way the “Net itself is mediated by everyday life (Shields 1996:8). The mutuality of online and onground in the social construction of networked media has been the most distinct finding of my ethnography of Cyborganic, a community of San Francisco Web geeks I studied from 1993 to 2003. As I will show, this mutuality is writ large in the regional history of the Bay Area, and writ small in new practices, forms, and genres of networked media and sociality that developed during the initial period of the Web’s growth as a popular platform and have since become predominant on the contemporary Internet. Attention to this mutuality in Cyborganic, I argue, suggests ways to think about and respond to challenges to inherited conceptions of the anthropological subject that I refer to in this essay as challenges of the posthuman. Though I recognize the term posthuman is one anthropologists might find problematic (e.g., Boellstorff 2008:28-29), and even share some disciplinary discomfort with the word, I use it because engaging the figure of the posthuman proves valuable to understanding questions of virtuality, materiality, and embodiment that attend the reconfigured relations of space, time, and being in the cultural worlds of computer-mediated sociality I study. Engaging the posthuman brings these questions into a broader discourse around challenges to inherited conceptions of the human subject posed, not only by the proliferation of technologically-mediated sociality, and not only in anthropology, but by a succession of postcolonial, feminist, and postmodern deconstructions, and decouplings of space, place, and culture (Gupta and Ferguson 1997a, 1997b, 1997c; Appadurai 1990, 1991; Harvey 1989, Soja 1989) that have been felt throughout the humanities since the 1980s. By speaking of these together as challenges of the posthuman, I want to argue that, while it is vital for anthropologists to recognize diverse ways in which the historically specific construction called human continues to give way to a different construction, which some call cyborg (e.g. Haraway 1991, Downy and Dumit 1998) and others posthuman (e.g., Hayles 1999, Haraway 2007), it is equally vital to understand that this shift does not require the erasure of embodiment from anthropological conceptions of human subjectivity. I begin by grounding these arguments in my ethnography of Cyborganic to demonstrate how digital intermediation can reconfigure experiences and imaginaries of place, identity, and embodiment, without dematerializing these as sites of subjectivity, or rendering them obsolete as sources of anthropological insight. After making this 1 Hymes, Reinventing Anthropology (1974); Said, Orientalism (1978), “Representing the Colonized: Anthropology’s Interlocutors,” (1989); Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (1983); Geertz, Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author (1988); Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (1988); Clifford and Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (1986); Marcus and Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences (1986). EASA Working Paper – Cool, June 14-29, 2010 Page 3 of 22 analysis of Cyborganic, I return to the broader questions of the contemporary anthropological subject implicit in the challenges of the posthuman referenced in my title. Cyborganic was an intentional community that formed in San Francisco in the early 1990s. It was a neighborhood cooperative, social clique, artist organization, professional network, business enterprise, and social project in which I was a participant observer for approximately ten years. Cyborganic members brought Wired magazine online; launched Hotwired, the first ad-supported online magazine; set-up Web production for CNET; led the Apache open source software project; and staffed and started dozens of Internet enterprises—from Craig’s List to Organic Online—during the first decade of the Web’s popular development (1993-2003). Cyborganic engaged the Web as a platform for self-publishing and featured some of the earliest online diaries before these were called “blogs,” most notably, Links from the Underground, started in 1994 by Justin Hall, a “founding father of personal blogging” and Brainstorms by Howard Rheingold. Cyborganic members’ production and consumption of new imaginaries, practices, and genres of networked social media figured in the initial development of Web publishing and prefigured contemporary phenomena such as Facebook and a host of other media collectively known as “Web 2.0.” For example, Dominic Sagolla, a key informant in my Cyborganic research, co-created the micro-blogging service Twitter in 2006. My study of Cyborganic examines the complex symbiosis of online and face-to-face both large-scale, in the regional history of the Bay Area and growth of the Web industry; as well as small-scale, in new forms and practices of technologically mediated sociality. As ethnography, it illustrates concretely the abstract conceptions of subjectivity I engage in my concluding discussion of the posthuman. By situating Cyborganic geographically and historically, and looking at the way new media technologies were integrated into the daily lives and experience of my informants, I work to show in vivo the formative role of place and embodiment in the social construction of networked media. The mutuality of onground and online I detail in the Cyborganic case corresponds to the theoretical conception I will later present of the human subject as a material-informational entity, simultaneously a construction of material and social worlds. Onground, as a local, face-to-face community, Cyborganic was comprised of the three concentric, overlapping entities. 1. Several group households on a single block of Ramona Avenue, known as “The Ramona Empire,” which had a peak residency of approximately 20 during the years 1995-1999; 2. The Ramona LAN (local area network), a physical network of computers, wires, and buildings that extended at its height across 11 separate rental apartments, providing approximately 35 people with full-time residential connections to the Internet; 2 Jeffrey Rosen, “Your Blog or Mine?,” the New York Time Magazine, December 19, 2004. 3 Facebook (facebook.com), which claims 400 million users worldwide, and Twitter (twitter.com), which reports about a quarter that number, are two of the most popular social networking sites but the phenomena extends to a host of many-to-many online media that center on self-publishing, user-generated content, and of course, social networks. EASA Working Paper – Cool, June 14-29, 2010 Page 4 of 22 3. Weekly community potluck dinners, known as Thursday Night Dinner, or TND. With approximately 100 regular attendees from August 1995 through 1996, TND was, as Wired News put it, “the place to be for San Francisco's up-and-coming Web workers” (Boutin 2002) during the dotcom boom of the 1990s. These three place-based aspects of Cyborganic—The Ramona Empire, local area network, and Thursday Night Dinners—are diagrammed below in Figure 1. Figure 1: Cyborganic as Place-Based, Face-to-Face Community Peaks are largest number of simultaneous members in each group. Totals are the number of members over the life of the group. Online, Cyborganic was comprised of the following forums, illustrated in Figure 2 below. 1. Web and mail servers that hosted approximately100 user accounts and more than 100 virtual domains between 1994 and 2002; 2. A community mailing list (cc list) that launched in 1994 with 33 subscribers, grew to 152 subscribers by mid-1996, had a peak of over 200 in 1997, and remained active through 2002; EASA Working Paper – Cool, June 14-29, 2010 Page 5 of 22

The Mutual Co-Construction of Online and Onground in Cyborganic: Making an Ethnography of Networked Social Media Speak to Challenges of the Posthuman