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This paper is concerned with the structural position occupied by a subset of adjunct clauses, namely those which can occur in final position without a special intonational break. After a definition of the structures to be considered, it will be shown that the classical assumption according to which they are generated as adjuncts is empirically superior to the adjunct-as-complement analysis (cf. Larson 1988; 1990), and to more recent analyses, which follow an antisymmetric framework (cf. Kayne 1994). It will also be shown that a base generation account of preverbal adverbial clauses is to be preferred over a movement analysis on the basis of empirical data, and in conformity with theoretical economy assumptions (Merge over Move)

On the structural position of non-peripheral adjunct clauses