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In a famous 1970 New York Times article, Milton Friedman argued for the principled separation and strict division of labor between political and economic spheres (Friedman 1970). Political elites should set and monitor basic (and limited) rules of the game in independence. Meanwhile, economic elites should be left to maximize utility within the bounds of these rules. Such principled and strict separation, however, is difficult to reconcile with empirical observation. Historically, politics and economic affairs have always been connected one way or another (Goldthwaite 1987; Mills 1956). The nature, the extent and the mechanisms of this interplay, however, evolve through time and with changing contexts. In particular, the dynamics of power and influence between economic and power elites vary significantly (Martin and Swank 2012; Mills 1956; Pearson 1997). In non-market and state-run economies, political elites tend to have the upper hand. In market societies, the situation may be more complex. In market societies, politics and politicians can still steer and orient the conduct of economic affairs through the formalization and monitoring of regulations and rules of the game. In parallel, however, economic actors can deploy various strategies to influence politics and politicians. The game then becomes a complex circular one where political actors may have the capacity to impose rules and structures on economic actors but those rules and structures might be strongly influenced, if not shaped ultimately, by economic actors themselves. Globalization and corporate capitalism’s progress across the world have made that circular interplay all the more striking. Today, more than 50 of the largest hundred economic entities in the world are corporations – the others are nation states. Those large

Building an architecture for political influence: Atlas and the transnational institutionalization of the neoliberal think tank