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The investiture as Prince of Wales of Charles Windsor in 1969 occasioned extraordinary debate and dissent in Wales. Welsh-language protest singer and language activist Dafydd Iwan (1943-) was a key figure in this debate, penning several successful anti-investiture songs. The record-breaking single ‘Carlo’ (1969) has been the subject of extensive analysis by musicologists and cultural historians, but its successor, ‘Croeso Chwe Deg Nain’ (‘Welcome Sixty-Nine’; 1969) has been neglected, in spite of its equally impressive rhetorical force and respectable showing in the Welsh charts. This article seeks to demonstrate that ‘Croeso Chwe Deg Nain’ articulated a separate facet of the Welsh nationalist reaction to the investiture, lampooning the perceived servility of the Welsh towards the monarchy rather than the investiture itself. Even as Iwan was at pains to stress the ballad's status as a ‘comic song’, there were those in Wales who were not only prepared to find political resonances in the song's text, but were in positions to offer interpretations of the song's meaning that affected audience responses to it at the most fundamental level. In 1969, Charles Windsor, the heir apparent to the British throne, turned twenty-one, and on July 1, he was formally invested with the title of Prince of Wales, the honor usually bestowed on the eldest son of the ruling British monarch. The lavish investiture ceremony at Caernarfon Castle was, in fact, constitutionally devoid of meaning: Charles had been created Prince of Wales over a decade earlier, in 1958, and in any case, the role carried with it no official or constitutional duties. However, the ceremony was meant to have another, more immediate beneficial effect; as The Times put it, it was also intended as “a public relations and political sop to pacify the nationalist stirrings of Wales.” [1] It is a matter of public record that the investiture of Charles—Queen Elizabeth II’s eldest son—with the title of Prince of Wales was the occasion of considerable controversy in Wales and among the Welsh, whose sense of nationhood had undergone a renaissance in the quarter century since the end of the Second World War. The growing sense of political powerlessness actuated by the failure of the “Parliament for Wales” campaign in the 1950s was exacerbated by the Tryweryn affair, in which the entire population of the Welsh-speaking village of Capel Celyn in rural north Wales were summarily evicted from their homes to make way for a reservoir completed in 1965 to provide water for the English industrial sector, in spite of unanimous opposition from Welsh Members of Parliament. [2] Allied to this was a growing understanding that Wales’s cultural heritage was in severe danger of being eroded by Anglo-American cultural influences, and more specifically, by the increasing influence of the English language and the concomitant weakening of the Welsh language, a member of the Celtic family of languages, which was still spoken by twenty-six percent (about 650,000) of the Welsh population in 1961. It was in the light of dramatist and intellectual Saunders Lewis’s impassioned description of the plight of the Welsh language in his 1962 radio broadcast Tynged yr Iaith (The Fate of the Language) that Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (the Welsh Language Society; hereafter WLS) was formed, a pressure group with the remit of campaigning for civil rights for Welsh speakers through nonviolent means. [3] The nonviolent protests of the WLS for bilingual road signs, official forms, and other symbolic and practical advances that would enable Welsh speakers to use their language in all domains of everyday life, together with a sporadic but long-running bombing campaign by militant Welsh nationalists bent on gaining independence for PDF

“Songs of Malice and Spite”?: Wales, Prince Charles, and an Anti-Investiture Ballad of Dafydd Iwan