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This study examines the historical evolution of three types of Spanish collocations formed with entrar and state nouns: with dative experiencers (e.g. le entró temor), with subject experiencers (e.g. el caballero entró en temor), and with locative experiencers (e.g. entró temor en él). The locative construction, which predominated initially, was eclipsed by the subject structure in the 1600s, but datives prevail since the 1800s. This evolution follows from other, more general changes in Spanish, particularly the victory of dative experiencers in constructions indicating involuntary physical or mental processes

El triunfo del experimentador dativo: Las colocaciones con “<em>entrar</em> + nombre de estado” en diacronía