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as many anthropologists that study socialist and post-socialist societies have already determined, communist ideology was not something that people merely uncritically reproduced. on the contrary, they were well aware of the benefits and weaknesses caused by interacting with ideology: they tried to adapt ideology to their own aims and to gain access to the sources and privileges of the state. Communist paternalism was therefore not limited to dependency on the state; it also included familiarity and personal contacts, which the periphery tried to establish with centers of political power (e.g., see kaneff 2004). because control over time was never absolute under communism (e.g., see verdery 2002), kaneff claims that various interpretations of the past coexisted, which either helped or hindered people from the periphery establishing relationships with the state and nurturing their political careers. these various interpretations of the past were history, tradition, and folklore. Whereas history was a personification of concurrent politics and economics, tradition was its opposite—it was a potentially alternative way of conceptualizing the past and its social order. history, or linear time, was usually expressed through media and state holidays, whereas tradition, perceived as cyclic time, resisted the state (e.g., in religious or “folk” celebrations). Yet, tradition could also be re-contextualized into folklore and in such a folklorized version it could be presented in public as a state-supported view of a national identity (kaneff 2004: 10). in her research on these various interpretations of the past, kaneff concentrated on more recent decades in socialist bulgaria. in contrast, i studied transformations of calendar festivities in the town of brežice, located in southeastern slovenia, focusing on the first two decades after the second World War.1 i agree with pittaway and swain (2003: 12)

Folklorization as Diversification or Molding. Comparing Two “Traditional” Holidays