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This commentary revisits Coppock & Brochhagen’s 2013 account of speaker ignorance inferences associated with at least . The general principle that Coppock & Brochhagen propose to derive inferences about the speaker’s information state, the Maxim of Interactive Sincerity, is shown to not fully derive the intended ignorance inferences. Amendments to Coppock & Brochhagen’s proposal are discussed, but an account of the relevant inferences in terms of Gricean quantity implicature, as proposed in Buring 2008 and subsequent work, emerges as more parsimonious.   BibTeX info

At least and ignorance: A reply to Coppock & Brochhagen 2013