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This article investigates two RC subject case marking strategies in Kazakh based on novel data coming from the author's fieldwork. The two strategies are the nom-subject strategy, where the RC subject is nominative and there is no agreement marking with it, and the gen-subject strategy, where the RC subject is genitive and the agreement with it is marked, seemingly non-locally, on the noun phrase modified by the RC. The paper's goal is to offer new empirical data on the characteristics and restrictions on the gen-subject strategy: the gen-DP is RC external and the same restrictions apply to it as to possessors, for this reason the paper argues that the gen-DP is situated (and gets case) in the possessor position and it is not assigned genitive case within the RC. Thus, the seemingly non-local Agree relation can be accounted if the gen-DP is in clause-external possessor position.

Restrictions on genitive subjects in Kazakh relative clauses