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This paper argues that control and raising (non-inflected) infinitives have overt subjects in European Portuguese, in conformity with Szabolcsi’s (2009) generalization: (1) the overt subjects of control complements can only be pronouns; the overt subjects of raising complements can be pronouns or lexical DPs. It is shown that (1) constitutes a strong case in favour of a non-raising approach to Obligatory Control. Relying on the observation that all of the Romance Null Subject Languages comply with (1), we present an Agree-based theory of Obigatory Control that aims to capture the association between this phenomenon and the Null Subject Property.

Overt Subjects in Raising and Control Complements and the Null Subject Parameter