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Phonetic segments are coarticulated in speech. Accordingly, the articulatory and acoustic properties of the speech signal during the time frame traditionally identified with a given phoneme are highly context-sensitive. For example, due to carryover coarticulation, the front tongue-tip position for /1/ results in more fronted tongue-body contact for a /g/ preceded by /1/ than for a /g/ preceded by /r/. Perception by mature listeners shows a complementary sensitivity--when a synthetic /da/-/ga/ continuum is preceded by either /al/ or /ar/, adults hear more /g/s following /l/ rather than /r/. That is, some of the fronting information in the temporal domain of the stop is perceptually attributed to /l/ (Mann, 1980). We replicated this finding and extended it to a signal-detection test of discrimination with adults, using triads of disyllables. Three equidistant items from a /da/-/ga/ continuum were used preceded by /al/ and /ar/. In the identification test, adults had identified item ga5 as "ga,' and dal as "da,' following both /al/ and /ar/, whereas they identified the crucial item d/ga3 predominantly as "ga' after /al/ but as "da' after /ar/. In the discrimination test, they discriminated d/ga3 from da1 preceded by /al/ but not /ar/; compatibly, they discriminated d/ga3 readily from ga5 preceded by /ar/ but poorly preceded by /al/. We obtained similar results with 4-month-old infants. Following habituation to either ald/ga3 or ard/ga3, infants heard either the corresponding ga5 or da1 disyllable. As predicted, the infants discriminated d/ga3 from da1 following /al/ but not /ar/; conversely, they discriminated d/ga3 from ga5 following /ar/ but not /al/. The results suggest that prelinguistic infants disentangle consonant-consonant coarticulatory influences in speech in an adult-like fashion.

Young infants’ perception of liquid coarticulatory influences on following stop consonants