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The three spatial cases traditionally identified in Hill Mari (< Mari < Finno-Ugric < Uralic) are the inessive, the illative, and Элативный показатель в горномарийском языке 61 the lative. Elative meaning is expressed by the postposition gə̈c with broad and often non-trivial polysemy: it can, surprisingly, express both Source point and (its opposite) Contact point meaning. The latter is only found in constructions with physical contact verbs, for example, ‘hit [in the back]’, ‘pat [on the knee]’, ‘hold [the hand]’. Postpositional phrases in such constructions are subject to possessor raising. This paper looks into the polysemy of the elative postposition gə̈c in general, and into its (non-trivial for elative markers) Contact point meaning in particular. The second focus of this article is on constructions with physical contact verbs and on a range of possessive relations which enable possessor raising. Semantic and syntactic restrictions on such constructions are identified, and tentative explanations for the postposition’s polysemy are proposed. The hypothesis is that the Contact point meaning has developed from the Selection from a set meaning, whereby the contacted point of the direct object is selected as a part of the whole. This hypothesis is corroborated by a range of possessive relation types that can be expressed by gə̈c-constructions and involve prototypical whole — part relations (‘Possessor — Body part’, ‘Whole — Part’, ‘Possessor — Possessed’), though in physical contact situations only, excluding those emerging in family or social relations. The material for this paper was collected during field trips to the village of Kuznetsovo and nearby villages in Mari El Republic, Russia in 2016–2017. The main method used for data collection was elicitation. We also used corpus data which includes texts recorded during field trips (ca. 30,000 tokens).

Elative marker in construction with physical contact verbs in Hill Mari