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values (especially freedom and equality), civil religion includes historical narratives and exemplary figures, public poetry and civic heroism, as well as public reason” (Gorski 2017, 205). This ‘realm of pure reason’ is decried as not only unattainable, but downright counterproductive to the task of bringing philosophy to the public. After all, “A new movement on the democratic left, if it emerges, will be organized across religious, class, gender, ethnic, and generational lines without trying to pretend that citizens can leave their faiths entirely behind them when they enter public life” (Connolly 2008, x). But the New Atheists also discard the realm of pure reason as an unrealistic expectation and instead speak of a mutual interrogation of religious and secular worldviews, an interrogation that Habermas dubs as a mutual learning process. For the New Atheists, mutual interrogation means that we “abandon the principle of automatic respect for religious faith” (Dawkins 2006, 306). It also means that religious citizens do not have to ‘translate’ their beliefs into the language of public reason. The liberal mandate of translation says that “religious arguments have a legitimate place in the public sphere only to the extent that they can be rendered in (ideally rational) terms that are not specifically religious” (Calhoun 2011, 77). This construal of public reason never measured up to the vicissitudes of public unreason that afforded faith-based belief special privileges. Rather,

Faith Too Big To Fail? The Struggles and Wishes of New Atheism