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The first recorded scholarship programme in Sāmoa began in the 1920s under the New Zealand Administration. Since that time, more and more students have travelled abroad for education both through sponsored and privately-funded programmes. This thesis examines the stories of 18 Sāmoan research participants who emigrated from their homes for western education. It examines how their experiences have contributed to the development of Sāmoa as a ‘nation’  “Folauga” is a common Sāmoan term for a “journey” and can be used in different contexts. The most common context for folauga is the literal journey where people travel from and arrive at a particular destination. There are many and diverse motivation ns leading to the decision of the 18 research participants to migrate. However, no decision was made independently. With the support and assistance of their respective āiga (family), they were never alone. From birth they were taught the value of the āiga and fa’a Sāmoa (the Sāmoan way) and when they studied abroad their āiga were at the forefront of their minds, but so too was fa’a Sāmoa. These 18 research participants excelled in both the western and Sāmoan worlds. They gained qualifications and experience that supported their āiga, and ultimately benefited Sāmoa as a ‘nation’.   The 18 participants did not all return to Sāmoa to live permanently. Some moved to Fiji and others to New Zealand. This should not be viewed negatively because through transnationalism, Sāmoan migrants are very much connected to their homelands through money, goods of many different kinds, artefacts, ideas and symbols. Their migration often involves individuals, families, groups and institutions. It is important however to define ‘Sāmoa’ in the context of this argument. Sāmoa has two constructions of place and of people: the first is Sāmoa as a land-mass and geo-political-legal jurisdiction that is centred on the land and sea and is vital in acknowledging roots and a place of identity. The second construct acknowledges, due to globalisation and migration facilitated by technology, Sāmoan people are no longer confined to the geographical location of Sāmoa.   This research employed talanoa as a method to explore the experiences, attitudes, and reflections of the participants. The interview process involved not only long and wide-ranging conversations, but also a process of relationship building. Records of the discussions were written, checked and negotiated so that the 18 participants and the researcher produced a series of scripts – ‘mini biographies’ – that provided a rich body of data for analysis.   The contribution of the stories of the 18 research participants to development as a discourse is significant. The participants have navigated their folauga confidently in a western setting as well as within fa’a Sāmoa. Many other Sāmoans have done the same. I therefore argue that not all earlier conventions of development such as modernisation were wasted on Sāmoa. While there is a place for newer development theories such as post development and indigenous epistemologies, for the 18 research participants, they were able to excel in a world of development much of which was externally defined but some of which could be shaped and adapted. The participants saw the good in modernisation and, coupling it with fa’a Sāmoa, they found a recipe to survive and thrive in both worlds.

Folauga mo A'oa'oaga: Migration for education and its impact on Samoa's development as a nation