English (United Kingdom)

https://curated-unify.zendy.io/wp-json/zendy-region/v1/featured_content/oa?rat=en

https://curated-unify.zendy.io/wp-json/zendy-region/v1/highlighted_journal/

Global: Zendy Plus annual

Presents the access of premium content as premium feature

Premium Content

Presents the keyphrase highlighting as premium feature

Keyphrase Highlighting

Presents the summarisation as premium feature

Summarisation

Insights

Presents the pdf analysis as premium feature

PDF Analysis

Presents the zaia usage as premium feature

ZAIA

Global: Zendy Tools annual

Global: Zendy Free Plan

Global: Zendy Tools monthly

Global: Zendy Plus monthly

By most accounts, the long struggle of working people to entrench the basic right to unionize was realized during the Great Depression and after the Second World War. For North America, the American Wagner Act of 1935 and the PC 1003/Industrial Disputes Investigation Act of 1948 in Canada have often been seen together as the equivalent of organized labour's Magna Carta; for the first time labour rights would be protected by the state, including the basic rights to collectively bargain and to strike. For many of these observers, the era of "free collective bargaining" had arrived. As H. D. Woods argued in the report by the Canadian Task Force into Industrial Relations in 1968, despite some misgivings by employers, it "eventually became apparent that unions and collective bargaining were natural concomitants of a mixed enterprise economy. The state then assumed the task of establishing a framework of rights and responsibilities within which management and organized labour were to conduct their relations."' While labour historians have been more reluctant to point to the "natural" evolution of labour relations in the postwar period, among many observers the extension of "industrial democracy" inherent in the postwar compromise continues to be held up as labour's greatest political and economic v ic t~ry .~ Not surprisingly, this interpretation of the postwar compromise has come under significant pressure by left historians and critical legal theorists who have

The Postwar Compromise and the Future of North American Unionism