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As part of a larger inquiry into the consequences of international migration for those who remain in the country of origin, detailed interviews were conducted with 234 adults in four Turkish provinces. Three migrant-status categories were defined: (a) Returned migrants, (b) Nonmigrant close kin or friends of migrants, and, as a control group, (c) All others. With respect to religious observance and adherence to religiously based viewpoints, group (a) was the least "traditional," and group (c) the most "traditional." In between was group (b). Of the two possible explanations for such a pattern - recruitment and socialization - recruitment appeared highly significant. The evidence for socialization, however, was mixed. General social change, not migration as such, would appear to be the more likely factor to move individuals' religious observance and attitudes along a "traditional"/non-traditional" continuum. R eligious identification keeps cropping up as an attribute of potentially large-scale and profound behavioral significance - whether the focus is on religious group differences in modern democratic politics or the recent expansion of Islamic 'fundamentalism"; whether on the bloodshed associated, this century, with the separation of India and Pakistan, the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, or the persistent fratricide in Northern Ireland or, in earlier centuries, with the Crusades and the Wars of Religion. The question posed here is whether recent, massive increases in international migration could reinforce personal religious identification and, in consequence, increase the frequency and intensity of religious observance - and just possibly (though we are in no position to test the proposition here) increase also the likelihood of one's engaging in various secular practices (ranging from voting patterns to the commission of terrorist acts) associated with religious identification. Whether permanent or temporary, migration can be highly stressful (the classic statement on this is Handlin 1951). Whatever its consequences for those in the receiving society, for both migrants and those of their kin and friends who remain in the society of origin migration holds out the possibility of encountering a variety of stress-producing forces: the separation of spouses and of parents and children, the loss of friends, extensive contact with another culture, the absence of reinforcements for one's prior heritage as well as encounters with constraints on behaviors associated with that heritage, notable increases in wealth and income, more material possessions, the experience of coping with the unfamiliar and of doing so in the absence of prior social supports, and the formation of competing social networks and emotional ties. The experience of emigration holds out, in short - especially for the migrant, but also for those of the migrant's close network who remain behind - the

The Effect of International Migration on Religious Observance and Attitudes in Turkey