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The battle over civil rights law has been waged on many different fronts at the same time. Historically, the emphasis has been on the manifest injustices that dominant groups have inflicted on other groups with less political power. Economically, the dispute has been over whether civil rights legislation will increase or reduce overall levels of production. Sociologically, the question has been whether civil rights legislation can overcome hierarchy and foster a sense of community among equals, or whether it increases levels of group consciousness, which in turn leads to issues of group separation. In most modern settings, this search for rationales has not stemmed from any doubt about the wisdom or even the necessity of civil rights laws. Quite the opposite, the desirability of these laws is usually taken for granted, and the inquiry then proceeds with the aim of finding the most powerful intellectual base on which these laws can rest. But the evident increase in racial and ethnic conflict and the massive attention to sex differences or gender relations even the terms used in the debate will say a lot about which side an advocate is on1 show that the old confidence about the desirability of these laws has been shaken by an ever-increasing awareness that things have not turned out quite the way the supporters of civil rights legislation had hoped. That sense of disappointment is evident in the disagreement over fundamental objectives. On the one hand, commentators commonly proclaim that the purpose of civil rights legislation is to make institutions and individuals ignore those differences of race

Caste and the Civil Rights Laws: From Jim Crow to Same-Sex Marriages