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In the English language “landscape” is a word that comes, as Olvig (1993:308) reminds us, with many layers of “concealed, congealed meanings”, but having a predominant association with the visual, specifically with the idea of topography as seen from a particular viewpoint; its original seventeenth century sense was of a painting of natural scenery, only subsequently of the vista itself, or of the landforms of a particular area. For anthropologists the effort to comprehend an unfamiliar way of life leads to a different kind of concern with landscape: an attempt to understand the involvement of people with the land that over time has generated a “sense of place” for them.1 This sense of place may be derived from many things. In hunter-gatherer societies, a powerful sense of place is commonly derived from interacting with the land, from living in it and off it, and bringing it alive through myth and ritual performance, without the need to effect alterations by means of architecture or construction. Other landscapes, even if perceived to be “natural”, are in fact transformed and moulded by centuries of intensive human use and changing agricultural practice (Hoskins 1956). The visual perspective is thus only one among many possible dimensions by which a landscape can be known and comprehended. Moreover, as various authors note (for example, Bender’s discussion of Stonehenge in Britain [1993]), meanings may not only be constantly revised over time, but may be contested, more or less fiercely, by those with different interests at any particular historical moment.

The Contested Landscapes of Myth and History in Tana Toraja