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In recent years, the rates and intensity of psychological problems of college students have increased dramatically (Hunt, & Eisenberg, 2010). Research reports over half of college students in the United States met criteria for a psychological disorder within the past year (Blanco et al., 2008), with rates of anxiety estimated to be around 40%, and rates of depression around 37% (Beiter, et al., 2015). As timing of data collection in past research varies, it is unclear whether students come to campus with diagnosable disorders, or develop them during college. Regardless, mental health symptoms are associated with poor outcomes, including behaviors such as smoking, poor diet, physical inactivity, and poor sleep habits (Doom, & Haffel, 2013). In addition to this, poor mental health is detrimental to the primary focus of most college students, namely academic performance. For example, past research describes those with mental health difficulties as having low levels of educational attainment (e.g., less likely to receive a college degree; Kessler, Foster, Saunders, & Stang, 1995; Mojtabai, et al., 2015). Although educational attainment is one of the most frequently studied academic outcomes, it is probable that mental health factors also effect academic precursors to drop-out, such as academic performance and time to degree completion. Students from poverty have traditionally been viewed as especially vulnerable to poor academic outcomes. Early familial poverty has been associated with poor long-term academic outcomes, particularly in those families with the lowest socioeconomic status (SES; Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, Yeung, & Smith, 1998; Goldrick-Rab, Kelchen, Harris, & Benson, 2016). This could be related to the historically high rates of reported mental health difficulties in those from low SES backgrounds (World Health Organization, 2014). In college students, those from a low SES background have also been found to seek help less often for mental health problems (Eisenberg, Golberstein, & Gollust, 2007). Furthermore, those of low SES backgrounds are likely to report a high number of traumatic events that occurred prior to college, and to report severe traumatic events (Read, Ouimette, White, Colder, & Farrow, 2011). Based on past research, stress and trauma are important to examine as possible precursors to mental health issues and obstacles to good academic performance. Approximately 66% of incoming college students report exposure to at least one traumatic stressor (events or situations that involve actual or perceived death, injury, or sexual violence, as well as learning about or witnessing these events; American Psychiatric Association, 2013). In a study examining enrollment in college students with a history of childhood abuse, dropout rates were higher in students with an abuse history compared to those without an abuse history for all but two semesters. By the end of senior year, only 45% of abuse survivors were still enrolled, compared to 60% of non-abuse survivors. Those with a history of multiple abuse types had the highest dropout rates, being enrolled at a rate of only 35% (Duncan, 2000). Similarly, in a study that examined the relationship between trauma exposure, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and drop-out rates, those with trauma exposure and PTSD symptoms dropped out at a rate of 35%, while those with trauma exposure and no PTSD symptoms dropped out at a rate of 20% (Boyraz, Granda, Baker, Tidwell, & Waits, 2015; Boyraz, Horne, Owens, & Armstrong, 2013). Syndromal distress after trauma, though, does not seem to be necessary to increase dropout rates, as dropout rates increase in the absence of self-reported distress or mental health disorders, including PTSD (Duncan, 2000; Hardaway, Larkby, & Cornelius, 2014). Although many students with a history of adversity from low SES backgrounds show poor academic functioning, not all students have this experience. Furthermore, although Martin and Elmer (1992) reported a history of severe abuse led to poor groupwise outcomes across domains, they also found a range of individual differences, including some individuals who completed higher education and obtained jobs, while having families and strong social ties. As not all students with a history of stressors have poor outcomes, the question of what the difference is between those students who have poor outcomes and those who do not arises. One possible answer to this question is resilience. Resilience has been defined as good outcomes, despite threats to development or adaptability (Masten, 2001). While resilience was once thought to be rare, much research now indicates it is common following adversity (Bonanno, & Mancini, 2008). Recent research, though, has again called into question how common resilience is following highly stressful life events, suggesting that in some cases it may be the least common outcome (Infurna, & Luthar, 2016). First Semester Academic Functioning of College Students: The Role of Stressful and Traumatic Life Events