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The recessive nature of the subjunctive as a formal category in Old English is witnessed in the use of alternative grammatical structures other than inflectional subjunctives in contexts of non-fact modality. An increasing analytic reliance on grammatical devices signalling nonfact modality (e.g. gif ‘if’, sua hua ‘whoever’, etc.) both fostered and facilitated the occurrence of the indicative in such contexts. The modal verbs magan, *sculan and willan served as fully independent verbs in Old English, but even during the Old English period there appears to have been a ‘modern’ tendency to use modal constructions involving a (subjunctive) modal + infinitive construction, instead of an inflectional subjunctive, with little (or no) underlying sense of non-modal notional meaning.1 In the Old Northumbrian (ONbr) interlinear gloss to the Latin text of the Lindisfarne Gospels (British Library, MS Cotton Nero D.iv; henceforth Li), the increasing lack of direct correspondence between contexts of non-fact modality and the subjunctive in Old English is attested in the widespread tendency for present-indicative forms in -s and -ð to supplant subjunctive forms, e.g. 7 swiðe bebead him þaette hia ne aewades l mersades hine L et uehementer comminabatur eis ne manifestarent illum ‘And he very much commanded them that they should not make him known’ MkGl (Li) 3.12, or for indicative forms to alternate with subjunctive forms, which in ONbr ended in -a/-e/-o in both

The Periphrastic Subjunctive in the Old English Multiple Glosses to the Lindisfarne Gospels