English (United Kingdom)

https://curated-unify.zendy.io/wp-json/zendy-region/v1/featured_content/oa?rat=en

https://curated-unify.zendy.io/wp-json/zendy-region/v1/highlighted_journal/

Global: Zendy Plus annual

Presents the access of premium content as premium feature

Premium Content

Presents the keyphrase highlighting as premium feature

Keyphrase Highlighting

Presents the summarisation as premium feature

Summarisation

Insights

Presents the pdf analysis as premium feature

PDF Analysis

Presents the zaia usage as premium feature

ZAIA

Global: Zendy Tools annual

Global: Zendy Free Plan

Global: Zendy Tools monthly

Global: Zendy Plus monthly

Woman, black, and peasant: these characteristics imply the mutually potentialized and overdetermination of the three biggest social and programmatic vulnerability conditions that affect Brazilian population segments which are already very poor. The state of Maranhão, Brazil, is estimated to have 6,714,314 inhabitants (data from 2012), among whom 25.19% are extremely poor; it has one of the largest concentrations of black people (around 74% of the population), the highest rural population concentration (61.90% of households), and the biggest number of quilombola communities in the country – currently, a total of 467 Palmares Foundationcertified communities, which are spread through 69 municipalities (Comunidades Quilombolas, 2016), some of which have the worst Human Development Index in the state and in the country; it also has a large number of babaçu coconut female breakers, a number that might reach 200,000 women. The introduction, in Maranhão, especially in the 1980s, of several organized social movements focused on women (for instance, peasants, female coconut breakers, and traditional midwives), as well as on black population and quilombola communities, motivated very dynamic political and social activism, and knowledge production and socialization in the state scenario. In the case of peasants, quilombolas, and female coconut breakers, the activism was initially mobilized around the land ownership issue and the protection of their territory and their material conditions of survival and work. The recent consolidation of those movements allowed for the inclusion of new mobilization agenda and claiming to government powers, among which the access to health care policies and services and good quality education services which meet their needs and specificities. The proposal from the Technical Women’s Health Care Area (ASTM) of the Ministry of Health (MS) regarding the funding for a Black Women’s Health Care Technical Specialization Course (CESMN) in the Health Care and Environment Graduate Program in the Federal University of Maranhão (PPGSA/UFMA), in 2009, intended on training and qualifying health care professionals in different fields to provide proper care to the black population, and more specifically to black women, in SUS (Brazilian Unified Health System) service network. CESMN’s political project was conceived by Maria de Fátima Oliveira Ferreira (from the National Health Care, Sexual Rights, Reproductive Rights Feminist Network), and the political-pedagogical project was built and supervised by her and by István van Deursen Varga, Rosana Batista Monteiro, Antônio Henrique França Costa, and Luís Eduardo Batista. It was not, therefore, about establishing a new academic specialty in the health care field, but about offering emergency responses (once the course was only expected to be given to two groups) to one of the largest and most serious social public health

saúde e sociedade

Saúde da população negra e da mulher como políticas públicas e campos intelectuais: subsídios para um estudo de caso sobre o racismo institucional sistêmico