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This article analyzes tense and contradictory aspects witnessed in a study of the adaptation of Bolivian children to early childhood education in public schools in Sao Paulo city. Analysis focuses on the complexity that permeates the relationship of these children with their teachers. Interactions between Bolivian children and other children were observed. Observation lasted two years and the information collected was recorded in a field diary. The ethnographic fieldwork was complemented by open interviews. The observation allowed understanding the meaning of being a foreigner in early childhood education in Sao Paulo city and the construction of stigmas associated with the production of difference as a disadvantage for the newly arrived children. IMMIGRATION • EARly ChIldhOOd EduCATION • BOlIVIAN ChIldREN • ChIld CARE B o l iv ia n c h il d r e n i n e a r ly c h il d h o o d e d u c a t io n i n S a o P a u l o : a d a P t a t io n , v u l n e r a B il it ie S a n d t e n S io n S 6 8 2 C a d e r n o s d e P e s q u is a v .4 5 n .1 5 7 p .6 8 17 0 1 ju l. /s e t. 2 0 15 T his Article exAmines contrAdictory And tense Aspects witnessed in A study on the adaptation of Bolivian children to municipal early childhood education in Sao Paulo city. Singular expression of a diaspora in progress (HALL, 2014), the presence of these children in the everyday life of the municipal system of a city the size of Sao Paulo enabled the authors of this text to report situations in which the foreigner’s condition was produced in the details, by treating Bolivian children stressing disadvantageous differences. In the research routine, inspired by Michel de Certeau (2000), we inventoried gestures, and realized that some ways of acting and reacting produced alterities, reconstructed borders and drew the outline of a welcome that was deformed. Such deformation caused embarrassment every time a teacher recalled screaming: “Here we do not speak Spanish!”. We share the view of Erving Goffman (2011, 2012, 2013), according to whom a significant social fact is configured in the frames of social experience whenever a person organizes his or her self because s/he is involved in face-to-face interactions. We closely observed interactions between Bolivian and nonBolivian children and of all of them and their teachers. Although our focus was the relationship between children and teachers, we also interacted with their families.1 1 everyone addressed in the research that originated this article – teachers, coordinators, managers, and family – were previously consulted and filled an informed consent Form for the use and publication of the information gathered. the research project was approved by comitê de Ética e Pesquisa [ethics and research committee] of uniFeSP /Plataforma Brasil. approval process registration number: 250 152. M a rc o s C e za r d e F re ta s e A n a P a u la S lva C a d e r n o s d e P e s q u is a .4 5 n 15 7 p .6 8 -7 0 1 ju l/se t. 2 0 15 6 8 3 The school always has special scenarios. In face-to-face relationships, young Bolivian children are constantly reminded that they are foreigners, confirming what Bartra (2000), Geertz (2004), and Hall (2014) asserted: being a foreigner is much more a condition that is acquired before the others, in the spectrum of their look, in the tone of their words, than a geographical reference founded in a sometimes imaginary notion of nationality (ANDERSON, 1990). Many of these children were born in Brazil, but are perceived as foreigners all the time. We identified scenarios in which disadvantages have accumulated, amalgamating the pejorative meanings that the words “foreigner”, “immigrant” and “Bolivian” acquired every time they were articulated to the implicit and explicit intentions to demonstrate to children and their families that no one expected the distance between “the established and outsiders”, using the emblematic binomial of Elias and Scotson (2000), to be reduced. Therefore, this article addresses the complex situation of children who have become “the others arriving”, the ones who “must adapt”, also because, in the words of the protagonists of everyday school life, “those who arrive must reorganize themselves”. ThE REsEARCh ANd ITs OBjECT In Brazil, there is hardly any research on immigrant children in early childhood education. When addressed, this topic is part of sociological and anthropological repertoires which maintain connections with migration studies, and is associated with research on educational everyday life only secondarily. Since this subject is little investigated in Brazil, our first move was to understand in which category Bolivian children enrolled in municipal early childhood schools (Emeis) fall. This categorization has become necessary, because most children located in this research are children of foreign parents, but were born in Brazil. Children of this universe gain greater visibility in dark moments. The large influx of Latin American immigrants, which has added new strata of diversity to the social landscape of the country, is often perceived only in situations of strong deterioration of work activities and regrettable confinements, in which human beings are subjected to working arrangements analogous to slavery. This article derives from a two-year long observation and the information registered in a field diary quickly confirmed that the characters of the daily plot analyzed can in fact be approached using “the established and outsiders” categories (ELIAS; SCOTSON, 2000). The use of these categories was not articulated a priori, but perceived and unfolded in the native, endogenous sense with which the visible alterity of these children has become a component of B o l iv ia n c h il d r e n i n e a r ly c h il d h o o d e d u c a t io n i n S a o P a u l o : a d a P t a t io n , v u l n e r a B il it ie S a n d t e n S io n S 6 8 4 C a d e r n o s d e P e s q u is a v .4 5 n .1 5 7 p .6 8 17 0 1 ju l. /s e t. 2 0 15 the continuous construction of the foreigner’s condition, especially because children born in Brazil are nonetheless Bolivian, since the term “Bolivian” has become “the way” of identifying an outsider in the schools studied. Continuous observation allowed registering stigma (GOFFMAN, 2004) built on the specificity of this adaptation process. It was also possible to register scenes of willingness to welcome and gestures of adaptation from both sides. The interactions analyzed reproduced frontier representations. In this analysis, frontier is not only a geographic reference, but also a place of demarcation that appears whenever one asserts one’s identity with the intention of not being confused with “that other one” (WOODWARD, 2007). The term “assimilation” has been used to analyze analogous situations in international literature, and has even taken the place of the word “adaptation” to refer to similar processes. But here we chose to use the word “adaptation” meaning to recognize that, even in adverse situations, these children and their families are also agents of themselves and undertake the continuous task of adapting to the others and to their spaces. We realize that we cannot state that those who live the experience of displacement cease to “be who they are” to become “totally another”.2 To understand the rightful place of these children in the world of Emeis, it was necessary not only to observe their daily lives in the classroom, mas but also to examine the opinions issued by Conselho Estadual de Educação (CEE – State Board of Education) and by Conselho Municipal de Educação (CME – City Board of Education). Restrictions imposed by legislation governing enrollment in public municipal schools still bring about obstacles to the realization of the right to education for foreigners, especially because the legislation defines many of them as “undocumented”. The observations in loco occurred from 2012 to 2014 in three Emeis of Diretoria Regional de Educação (DRE – Regional Board of Education). Those Emeis are located in Mooca, Bras and Pari neighborhoods, in the downtown area of Sao Paulo city. The names of those Emeis have been omitted to protect the identity of the people described and of respondents. They have been called just Emei 1, 2 and 3. The following groups were observed: Infantil I, formed by children born between January 1st and March 31st, 2009, and between April 1st and December 31st, 2008; Infantil II, with children born between January 1st and March 31st, 2008, and between April 1st and December 31st, 2007. Children were enrolled according to Decree n. 5,741/12 issued by Secretaria Municipal de Educação (SME – City Department of Education). Children mentioned in the text were given fictitious names. In addition to direct observation, 21 depth interviews were conducted, with many hours of free account: three with pedagogical 2 For a broader discussion of the issue, see Bateson (1989) and corsaro (1997). M a rc o s C e za r d e F re ta s e A n a P a u la S lva C a d e r n o s d e P e s q u is a .4 5 n 15 7 p .6 8 -7 0 1 ju l/se t. 2 0 15 6 8 5 coordinators of each unit, fifteen with teachers and three with parents. All the respondents were given fictitious names. In addition to school settings, field visits included three city spaces recognized as Bolivian pedaços [areas] in Sao Paulo. Many of the children who participated in this research are, in fact, Bolivian by birth. But they have adapted to the unwritten rules of inferiority produced by prejudice and, when asked, they affirmed that they were Brazilian. This attitude is in fact less of a lie and more of a strategic positioning of someone who wants to establish closer ties with the social group to which one wants to belong, even if it reinforces the false perception of inferiority that weaves the relationship of school workers with Bolivians. In general, children of Bolivian origin, including Brazilians by birth, have ethnic and phenotypic traits which are highlighted

Crianças bolivianas na educação infantil de São Paulo: adaptação, vulnerabilidades e tensões