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This paper argues for quantity-sensitive, trochaic foot structure in Québécois French, which allows for a unified prosodic account of the variable distribution of tenseness of high vowels in non-final syllables. Following Montreuil (Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004a. Fragmenting weight in Scottish English. In Monica Pulki (ed.),  La tribune internationale des langues vivantes , 36, 114–22. Paris. Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004b. The Computation of weight in English and in Québec French. First PAC Workshop 23–24 April 2004, Université de Toulouse le Mirail.) a grammatical, sonority-based surface weight distinction is assumed for Québécois French vowels, with tense high vowels associated to a full mora µ, while lax high vowels are associated to a hypomora λ, a weight value less than µ. The weight is shown to be regulated at the level of the minimally monomoraic foot, which can be expanded to include an adjacent syllable in words consisting of more than two syllables, following the proposed Trochaic Markedness Hierarchy, based on the following three ranked principles: 1) quantitative minimum: light and heavy rimes are preferred to superlight (λ) rimes, 2) quantitative evenness: even trochees are preferred to uneven trochees, and 3) quantitative dominance: the left branch that is heavier than the right branch is preferred to the left branch that is lighter. Possible shapes of the trochee are shown to be aligned with alternating surface realizations of high vowels.

High vowel distribution and trochaic markedness in Québécois