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This article studies the derivation of the multiple nominative construction in Japanese, in which there is a relation of inalienable possession between the nominative DPs. It is shown that, of the two (or more) nominative DPs, only the first one is overtly moved to [Spec, T] with the other(s) remaining in the predicate-internal position(s). To explain this fact, this article argues that the set of principles choosing among potentially possible steps at a single stage of a derivation contains a principle that minimizes the size of moved elements.

On the general tendency to minimize moved elements: The multiple nominative construction in Japanese and its theoretical implications