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We thank Irit Meir for her commentary on our target article; her results add new substance to the discussion of directional verbs in signed languages that we and ten commentators began in the previous issue of this journal (Lillo-Martin & M eier 2011, and subsequent commentary). In our article, we concluded that directionality is a kind of linguistic person marking, but along with others (Liddell 2000, 2003; Rathmann & Mathur 2002) we have considered the physicallyrealized locations of (non-first) endpoints of directional verbs to be gestural. For example, the form of the ASL directional verb GIVE is phonologically specified, except for the endpoints of the path movement and the orientation of the fingertips, which are determined by the conceptualized locations of the verb’s arguments (its subject and indirect object).1 Other verbs, such as ASL TELL, have just one movement endpoint that is phonologically unspecified; the initial location of this verb is anchored to the chin, but the final location is associated with the referent of the grammatical object. Why do we and others assume that (nonfirst) locations involved in directionality are gestural? One reason is because the endpoint locations are not phonologically listable (Rathmann & Mathur 2002); that is, there is not a finite inventory of locations that can be used to mark agreement. Meir reports data showing that, across three successive generations of ISL signers, verbs of transference have become directional. For members of the first

Response: The apparent reorganization of gesture in the evolution of verb agreement in signed languages