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This comparative syntactic study claims that the possessor of Russian and Hungarian BE-possessives neither originates nor lands in [Spec,VoiceP], the designated structural position of external arguments since Kratzer (1996). Possessive sentences universally describe a state with two eventuality participants, the possessor and the possessee (Stassen 2009). BE-possessives are built on dyadic-unaccusative existential BE. Neither of its two eventuality participants passes the agent/cause tests provided by Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou &amp; Schäfer (2015). It is claimed here that possessive BE-sentences in Russian and Hungarian pattern with the  piacere -subclass of  psych -predicates, inasmuch as the possessor bears the oblique case and the theme appears in the nominative in them. In the cartographic model, the oblique experiencer of the  piacere -type of  psych -predicates targets a position higher than canonical, agent/cause subjects do (see Cardinaletti 1997, 2004; Rizzi 1997, 2004 for Italian). This paves the way for oblique possessors and non-canonical subjects to appear in positions left-adjacent to the designated position for canonical, nominative subjects (see Cardinaletti 1997, 2004 for Italian; Benedicto 1995; Livitz 2006, 2012 for Russian; Dalmi 2000, 2005 for Hungarian). Possessive BE-predicates in Russian and Hungarian share a number of syntactic and semantic properties with existential BE (see Partee &amp; Borschev 2008 for Russian and Szabolcsi 1992, 1994 for Hungarian). Nonetheless, BE-possessives and BE-existentials differ in the two languages in their clausal architecture, due to the fact that EPP is fulfilled in different ways in them.

The status of the oblique possessor in BE-possessives: Evidence from Russian and Hungarian