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This article discusses four properties of Spanish aspectual  se  constructions. 1. The telicity inducing effects of  se ; 2. The ungrammaticality of bare noun direct objects; 3. Leísta Spanish Person Case Constraint (PCC) repairs; and 4. A central/terminal coincidence relation between the direct object and the subject. I show that aspectual  se  does not induce telicity with stative VPs. The ungrammaticality of bare noun direct objects results from the direct object functioning as an ‘inner subject’ of a complex predicate formed by the verb and a null preposition, the complement of which is a  pro  coreferential with the external argument. The semantics of the null P plus verb give rise to a central/terminal coincidence relation between the direct object and the complement of P. Moreover, I argue that the null  pro  moves to Spec, Appl and functions as an indirect object. In this respect, aspectual  se  is an indirect object reflexive. The resulting structure, moreover, is fundamentally a double object construction, a construction in which PCC effects are known to hold.

Spanish aspectual se as an indirect object reflexive: The import of atelicity, bare nouns, and leísta PCC repairs