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The paper investigates recomplementation (i.e. double-complementizer) constructions in Spanish and provides a number of arguments in favor of analyzing secondary  que  as the head of TopicP in the left periphery. The paper further examines left-dislocated phrases occurring between overt complementizers and lays out the proposal that sandwiched dislocates are not moved into but merged in the specifier of TopicP, which is headed by secondary  que  (or its null counterpart). Likewise, it is shown that extraction across double- que  constructions is prevented by locality of movement (i.e. any movement operation across secondary  que  is illicit). The paper argues that the locality effects induced by movement across secondary  que  are reminiscent of the notorious English Comp-t phenomenon. Drawing on the Rescue-by-PF-Deletion analysis of the ameliorating effect of ellipsis on island violations, the paper provides an account of the contrast between ungrammatical sentences displaying extraction across secondary  que  and their grammatical counterparts without it.

Recomplementation and locality of movement in Spanish