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No fully satisfactory account of the subtype of the Hittite ḫiconjugation with the pattern Pres3Sg  -āC 1 i , Pres3Pl  -aC 1 C 1 anzi  (e. g.,  aki ,  akkanzi  ‘die(s)’) has yet been presented. Efforts to explain it in terms of the established Proto-Anatolian “lenition” rule face incontrovertible counterexamples, and alternatives such as a lengthened-grade perfect have their own obstacles. Building on a crucial observation by Kloekhorst (2008), I will defend the proposal of Kimball (1999) that there was a separate “lenition” of just * h2  after accented * ó  in pre-Hittite, motivating it phonetically in terms of the already established “stronger” or “longer” quality of PIE phonemic */o/ vs. */e/ and */a/, as reflected in “Brugmann’s Law” in Sanskrit and “Čop’s Law” in Luvian.

Hittite ḫi-Verbs of the Type -āC1i, -aC1C1anzi