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This paper re-examines previous hypotheses claiming the primacy of a perfect(ive) value in certain  qusheng  ( *-s ) derivations (in particular nominalization) in Old Chinese. First, it revisits examples previously cited as having been derived from the  perfect(ive) , and proposes to re-classify them as resulting from three different derivational processes, nominalization, verb argument demotion, and adverbialization. Second, it focuses on Sino-Tibetan comparative data, in particular from Situ Rgyalrong, a language with severe isomorphism across four  -s  suffixes. Then, on the basis of morphological (especially stem changes) and syntactic criteria, it sorts out the relationship between the different  -s  suffixes in Situ, while suggesting multiple sources to account for the diverse functions of  qusheng  ( *-s ) in Old Chinese.

Rethinking the *- s suffix in Old Chinese: with new evidence from Situ Rgyalrong