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This article investigates the evolution of the Romanian pattern [dative clitic + ‘ be ’ + N] (cf.  Mi-e foame , lit. me .dat= is hunger, ‘I’m hungry’) from the 16th century until present-day Romanian. This pattern traces back to the Latin  mihi est  construction (lit. me. dat  is), but is semantically more restricted than its Latin ancestor in that it can only express a physiological or psychological state. The aim of our study is to examine to what extent the dative experiencer behaves like a subject and the noun denoting a state like a predicate. We argue that, although certain subject diagnostics raise problems in Romanian, due to the obligatoriness of clitics and the scarcity of controlled infinitives, this pattern is clearly an instance of non-canonical subject marking with quirky dative case. The tendency toward expansion of this construction in present-day Romanian contradicts the hypothesis proposed in language typology according to which non-canonical subject marking tends to recede in favor of canonical marking in European languages.

Dative experiencers with nominal predicates in Romanian: a synchronic and diachronic study