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Ewe verbs covering the  cutting  and  breaking  domain divide into four morpho-syntactic classes that can be ranked according to  agentivity . We demonstrate that the highly non-agentive  break  verbs participate in the causative-inchoative alternation while the highly agentive  cut  verbs do not, as expected from Guerssel et al.'s (1985) hypothesis. However, four verbs  tso  ‘cut with precision’,‘cut’,‘snap-off’, and  dze  ‘split’, are used transitively when an instrument is required for the severance to be effected, and intransitively when not. We reject a lexicalist analysis that would postulate polysemy for these verbs and argue for a construction approach.

Cut and break verbs in Ewe and the causative alternation construction