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Middle Low German (MLG) underwent Jespersen’s Cycle, a change in the expression of sentential negation, whereby a preverbal marker  ni  (stage I) was adjoined by an adverbial  niht  (stage II) in the transition towards MLG, and was eventually replaced by it (stage III). In this article, I argue that the single preverbal particle  ne / en  in MLG became a marker of negation which is located syntactically higher, i. e. above the clause boundary, than the clause in which  ne / en  appears. This analysis is based on a corpus study investigating MLG exceptive clauses (English  unless -clauses). Both on semantic and syntactic grounds, it is shown that these clauses can be explained as being complements of an operator that subtracts the proposition in the exceptive clause from the modal domain of a universal quantifier.

Von Negation zu Domänensubtraktion: Die Funktion der Negationspartikel ne / en im Mittelniederdeutschen