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In most Eastern European languages, clause negation typically triggers the replacement of a “direct” case such as the accusative by a less direct one like the genitive. In English, the contrast is – with several verbs – partially paralleled by that between directly linked complements and their prepositional counterparts. This corpus-based paper explores the relevant behaviour of three verbs which possess an intrinsic negative semantics:  shirk ,  refrain  (in earlier stages of Modern English), and  lack . It is found that negated clauses definitely promote a) prepositional objects with all three verbs and b) prepositional gerunds after  shirk . In the case of  refrain , the historical British database displays only a weak tendency for negated clauses to favour the increasingly common prepositional gerund. The prepositional variant turns out to be virtually absent from the passive of  shirk , a fact assumed to be due to the general avoidance of preposition stranding in favour of available transitive structures. With  lack , the rivalry between the two object variants is additionally constrained by two prosodic tendencies, the preference for phrasal upbeats and sentence end-weight. Throughout, American English displays a distinctly greater sensitivity to clause negation than British English.

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The Replacement of Direct Objects and Directly Linked Gerunds by Prepositional ones after  shirk ,  refrain  and  lack  in Modern English, with Special Reference to Clause Negation