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History writing about empire is thriving, although few could have predicted this in the 1980s, when the field was moribund. This article examines the history and historiography of post-1945 empires and decolonization, observing how international and economic developments, combined with changes to the history profession, revived the field in the 1990s. From this resurgence emerged the “new imperial history,” with its focus on imperialism and culture, although some debate whether Europe ever developed a “colonial culture.” The essay assesses recent works on the legacies of empire and decolonization that indicate what we know about colonial culture at this juncture, and how it should be studied. It also identifies obstacles like missed collaborations between postcolonial studies and history writing, and terminological issues, including problems with the label “new imperial history.” The essay concludes by indicating directions for future research: into the forms of decolonization; toward greater inclusion of the “smaller” empires; toward fuller comparison of cultures and empires; and into migration’s effects on Europe. Stepping off the tram at one downtown stop in Brussels back in 2002 or 2003, I noticed two men in a scuffle, one black, one white. It don’t know what started it, but my impression was that an accidental bump on the crowded platform set the white man off. I couldn’t hear their exchange as they confronted each other before parting ways, but there was no doubt what the white man yelled at the black man as he walked off, no more than a few meters away: “macaque!” – “monkey!” One could interpret the white man’s outburst as a remnant of Belgium’s colonial past, meaning Europe’s “age of empire” had somehow lived on into even the 21st Century. Of course the colonial era sensu stricto is long over, the global community having embraced the principle of self-rule for all countries, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the former Belgian Congo. The idea of any foreign country directly ruling any part of Africa, Asia, the Americas, or Europe for that matter is anathema. Yet the colonial past is still with us in the form of Anmerkung: The author thanks Rick Fogarty, Johannes Paulmann, Jen Hoyt, and the anonymous reader at Jahrbuch für Europäische Geschichte for comments on earlier versions of this essay. Unauthenticated Download Date | 9/21/19 6:08 PM 152 Matthew G. Stanard colonial mentalities, memories, and other “hangovers” of empire. A white man calling a black man a “monkey” in public in Brussels was not only shocking, it had a specific colonial resonance. Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, improvising part of his June 30, 1960, independence day speech before gathered dignitaries – including Belgium’s King Baudouin – declared, “Nous ne sommes plus vos macaques!” “We are no longer your monkeys!” Lumumba himself had been publicly insulted a few years earlier when a European woman yelled “sale macaque!” at him after he accidentally bumped into her on a Leopoldville (Kinshasa) street. Many scholars now consider legacies of empire and decolonization to be not only important to European attitudes, identities, and cultures but in ways ubiquitous in everyday life. It is thus in retrospect surprising that colonial culture took so long to become a subject of historical inquiry. To address this and other issues, this essay begins with a sketch of the post-1945 history and historiography of empire before reflecting on what we can say about “European colonial culture” at this juncture, as well as how to study it. The essay highlights three state-of-the-art works by Bill Schwarz, Elizabeth Buettner, and Kalypso Nicolaïdis, Berny Sèbe, and Gabrielle Maas, each of which differs from the others in its line of attack. The essay concludes by identifying several areas where significant and interesting work remains to be done. History and Historiography of European Empires The end of formal overseas empires is one of the great stories of the post-World War II era. Alongside the Cold War’s apogee, nuclear weapons, a global population boom, the information age, the advent of the Anthropocene, and the Soviet Union’s demise, decolonization was central to the second half of the 20th Century. Europe’s massive overseas empires collapsed spectacularly in just three decades. Despite much violence, the 1950s and 1960s were hopeful years, with political independence having been achieved or restored in India (1947), China (1949), and then across most of Africa, the Middle East, and the rest of Asia. It was a sign of the times that many called the 1960s “the decade of Africa”. During this same post-war era, history writing about nineteenth and twentieth century overseas empire remained limited. As history writing centered on the (formerly) colonial world waxed in the 1960s and 1970s, scholarship on the history of imperialism waned, or at least regarding Britain and France, two empires for which a significant historiography had developed. In other cases such scholarship had never taken off, for instance the history of Belgian colonialism, which Unauthenticated Download Date | 9/21/19 6:08 PM The colonial past is never dead 153 had not attracted much attention within or beyond Belgium. For years, Angelo del Boca struck a lonely figure among Italian historians and historians of Italy as he produced studies about that country’s African colonialism. As to Germany, scholars dwelled on questions of Nazi empire rather than the country’s earlier ambitions in Africa, China, the Near East, or the Pacific. Into the 1970s Portugal’s “third empire” remained current affairs. In general, the historiography of imperialism was weighted toward Europe’s “first” overseas empires, such as the Dutch Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (V.O.C., United East India Company), Britain’s seventeenth – eighteenth century empire, or the French in India and the Americas, with an emphasis on economics, strategy, diplomacy, and colonial administration. For some, this made the field rather conservative, even dull. The discipline had become so moribund by the early 1980s that David Fieldhouse asked whether imperial history, fallen and broken like Humpty Dumpty, could be “put back together again”. It is telling that some who paved the way for a renaissance of the history of empire beginning in the late 1980s approached it either from other fields of history or other disciplines entirely. Edward Said, author of the hugely influential Orientalism (1978), was from the field of literary studies, for example. But why a revival at that point in time? By the late 1970s, an economic downturn, a decline in commodity prices, neo-colonialism, and development problems had taken the shine off early expectations in the formerly colonial world, and some turned to the past for explanation. Post-war and post-colonial immigration into Europe from Africa, the Caribbean, and South Asia had swelled the numbers of non-European immigrants, stirring memories and raising new issues. The post-1989 lifting of the Cold War refocused attention on imperialism as a framing global construct, as did growing concern with unbridled U.S. “imperial” power. A kind of coming to terms with World War II and the Holocaust – think of Jacques Chirac’s 1995 speech recognizing the French state’s responsibility in the Holocaust – freed up intellectual space and energy to revisit the misdeeds of colonial rule. Many scholars had turned from social history and Marxist theory toward anthropology, structuralism, and Michel Foucault for insights on power. Stuart Hall and the emergence of cultural studies in the U.K. and the flourishing of literary and postcolonial studies steered in the direction of a “cultural turn”, bolstered by post-structuralism and 1 Guy Vanthemsche: The Historiography of Belgian Colonialism in the Congo, in: Csaba Lévai (ed.): Europe and the World in European Historiography. Pisa 2006, 89–119. 2 David Fieldhouse: Can Humpty-Dumpty Be Put Together Again? Imperial History in the 1980s, in: Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 12, no. 2 (1984), 9–23. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History hereafter JICH. Unauthenticated Download Date | 9/21/19 6:08 PM 154 Matthew G. Stanard the so-called linguistic turn. The rediscovery of Antonio Gramsci propelled Subaltern Studies and the interrogation of silences in the archive. All this had historians not merely using gender, race, class, and nation to understand the past, but questioning those very categories and terms. Many thought these insights could be usefully applied to the study of recent empire. Thus did the “imperial turn” or “new imperial history” arrive. The imperial turn invites scholars to emphasize representations of power (social, cultural, political), networks and flows of people and ideas, gender, race, language, identity, knowledge formation – including “colonial” knowledge – and to question the nation-state as a tool to understand the past. Dipesh Chakrabarty pushed to “provincialize Europe” by decentering Eurocentric theory and historical knowledge, undetected after-effects of the “age of empire”. A central text was Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler’s Tensions of Empire, which called for studying empires within a “single analytic field”. Rather than see the metropole at the center with colonies “out there”, they should be viewed within one space, even if, as I have argued elsewhere, it remains important to recognize distinctions between metropole and colony (or colonies) and among empires, making the single analytic field more appropriate in some cases than others. At this point numerous works – I think of Gary Wilder’s The French Imperial NationState or Antoinette Burton’s Beyond the Imperial Turn – have challenged the idea that empires were relatively uncomplicated two-sided exchanges with “Europe” (or Britain, or France, etc.) a kind of unassailable beast extending its tentacles outward to command and reshape the w

The colonial past is never dead. It’s not even past: Histories of Empire, Decolonization, and European Cultures after 1945