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Increasing the price of alcohol has been shown to reduce alcohol-related harm (Babor et al. , 2010). Thus the price of alcohol is a relevant consideration in improving the health of the population. Existing regulatory strategies to manipulate price include changing tax rates or specific price controls such as minimum unit pricing (MUP). The effects of these strategies on overall consumption are significant (Stockwell et al. , 2012; Holmes et al. , 2014), as well as their effects on consumption by sub-groups such as people on low incomes. Indeed, modelling in the UK using the so-called ‘Sheffield’ model (Brennan et al. , 2014) suggests that the introduction of MUP would impact most on the consumption of low-income harmful drinkers (Holmes et al. , 2014). Leaving aside issues of fiscal equity, in terms of hitting the pockets of poor drinkers harder, the modelling predicted two beneficial effects of MUP on the reductions of purchasing by this group of drinkers: it would result in overall decreased spending on alcohol and produce better health outcomes as a by-product of the reductions in purchasing and consumption.Although much of the recent discussion surrounding price policies has been focused on MUP, the broader question is how price changes resulting from any strategy differentially impact on different drinkers, be they grouped by socioeconomic status, drinker category or by the beverage that they choose to drink. Such differential effects on poorer and richer drinkers are often the subject of public policy debates, but usually the emphasis is on the regressivity of the price measures, meaning that alcohol price increases tend to absorb a greater proportion of the income of poorer drinkers than of more affluent …

Alcohol Price Policies as an Instrument of Health Equity: Differential Effects of Tax and Minimum Price Measures