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An equation has often been made, especially but not exclusively by Marxists, between radicalism and the rational understanding of objec- tive interests. I argue that, on the contrary, commitments to tradi- tional cultural values and immediate communal relations are crucial to many radical movements, (a) because these commitments provide populations with the extent of internal social organization necessary to concerted, radical collective action, and (b) because the largely defensive goals of these movements must be radically incompatible with the introduction of modern capitalist-dominated social forma- tions. Reformism is the characteristic stance of the modern working class, for both social and cultural reasons. That revolutions are risky undertakings poses a problem for theorists of popular insurrections. Why, it has often been asked, would reasonable people place their lives and even their loved ones in jeopardy in pursuit of a highly uncertain goal? Neither the success of uprisings nor the desirability of postrevolutionary regimes has appeared likely enough to outweigh the probability of privation and physical harm. A conservative view, as old as Plato but more recently argued by LeBon (1909), Smelser (1962), and others, concludes simply that revolutionaries must not be very reasonable people. Revolutionaries and their defenders have, of course, disagreed. Most famous among them, Marx offered an important argument for the rationality of revolution. This argument combined a notion of necessary historical progress with the assertion that revolution would be in the rational interest of the class of workers created by industrial capital- ism. It turned in part on the expectation that progressive immiseration of the proletariat would eliminate other possibilities for self-improvement and

The Radicalism of Tradition: Community Strength or Venerable Disguise and Borrowed Language?